In September, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced a virtual leaders’ summit during the G20 summit in New Delhi.

Opinion leaders from the G20 will convene virtually in India on November 22 to discuss other global issues and follow up on crucial decisions made at the summit in September, particularly regarding the development agenda, according to sources with knowledge of the situation.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled the proposition to convene the virtual leaders’ summit during the summit that took place in New Delhi on September 9-10, notwithstanding the absence of a definitive date at that moment.

Some member states are anticipated to bring up the Israel-Hamas conflict in addition to the Ukraine conflict, according to sources who requested anonymity. India, along with the other G20 members, has condemned the terrorist attacks carried out by Hamas against Israel and demanded an end to hostilities. They added that the Indian side has also finalized an agenda that has been distributed to G20 members.

Although no outcome documents will be produced during the virtual summit, it is probable that the Indian side will release a press statement following the meeting. All subsequent discussions will take place in private settings after Modi’s opening remarks on television.

It has occurred in the past, according to the individuals, for a G20 presidency-holding nation to host more than one summit. Italy, during its presidency in 2021, convened an unprecedented summit of world leaders concerning Afghanistan a few months following the Taliban’s takeover of power in Kabul.

“The virtual summit will provide an opportunity to evaluate the progress made since the September in-person summit.” A viewpoint exchange is scheduled to occur, and the G20 members have been provided with an agenda in advance,” stated one of the individuals cited earlier.

“The Indian perspective will be presented, and it is anticipated that other member states will do the same.” “India’s development agenda will continue to be a priority,” the individual further stated.

“The Indian side chose to hold the in-person summit earlier than usual, which gave us time to conduct a follow-up and evaluate everything that has transpired since September,” said a second individual.

A little over a week prior to December 1, when India will relinquish the rotating presidency of the G20 to Brazil, the virtual meeting will take place. Arindam Bagchi, a spokesman for the External Affairs Ministry, stated at a media briefing last month that all G20 members and guest nations have been extended invitations to the virtual summit, and that India anticipates “significant participation.”

The joint leaders’ declaration that was released at the G20 Summit in September was seen as India’s most important diplomatic achievement. This was because of the different views on the conflict in Ukraine that had led to joint statements at all ministerial meetings before this.

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As stated in the declaration, all nations are obligated to abstain from employing force to “seek territorial acquisition against the territorial integrity and sovereignty” of any state, in accordance with the United Nations Charter. It emphasized the significance of maintaining food and energy security and demanded an end to military destruction and other forms of infrastructure attacks, without specifically mentioning Russia.

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The summit and its declaration, as well as the bilateral and multilateral meetings held on the margins, reflected the Indian government’s foreign policy priorities and the nature of its relationships with key actors. The declaration will also have implications for bilateral relations, especially with the United States, Russia, and China, India’s ambition to be the voice of the Global South, and efforts to revive reformed multilateralism during a particularly bleak period in the international system.

External affairs minister S Jaishankar wrote in his book The India Way, “Now is the time for us to engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia, bring Japan into play, draw in neighbors, extend the neighborhood, and broaden traditional bases of support.” On each of these fronts, India was successful in achieving its goals.

Engaging America

If Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit to the United States in June was a giant leap forward, then President Joe Biden’s visit to India was a consolidation and deepening of trust. Consider the two visits as a fiery opener that sets the stage for a massive score, followed by a solid middle-order effort that consolidates the innings. This was reflected in international, regional, and bilateral cooperation.

The US owes India a debt for its flexibility regarding the text of the Delhi declaration. There is little doubt that Biden, who has been arguably the most committed Democratic president to the India relationship in history, authorized the removal of a specific reference to Russia’s aggression in the context of United Nations resolutions and the adoption of a more general and expansive formulation. The Europeans then followed suit because, despite their hubris, it is the United States that has so far defended Ukraine against Russian aggression. In addition, American flexibility allowed India to mobilize the Global South and exert collective pressure on Moscow. But even beyond Ukraine, the Delhi-DC synergy on multilateral development banks (MDBs) or DC’s acceptance of India’s digital public infrastructure (DPI) as a possible global template or collaboration in the Global Biofuels Alliance demonstrates how India and US want to shape the world together.

On the regional front, the significance of the India-Middle East-Europe corridor announcement cannot be exaggerated. Yes, it will take decades to complete the endeavor. Rarely have so many diverse actors from four regions (North America, the European continent, West Asia, and South Asia) collaborated for the common benefit on a project of this scale. This can not only provide a viable alternative to the exploitative model of Chinese infrastructure financing, but it can also provide India with enormous commercial opportunities.

And bilaterally, Biden and Modi reviewed the swift implementation of a number of agreements signed in June of last year and made a number of new announcements. The GE jet engine and MQ-9B transactions are proceeding smoothly. Under the initiative on critical and emergent technology (iCET), the space, semiconductor, defense innovation, education, quantum, biotechnology, and telecommunications industries have collaborated. All trade disputes between India and the United States have been resolved at the WTO. And there are emerging financial partnerships in the realm of climate change.

Put everything together. The summit demonstrates that Delhi and Washington, DC are engaged. Their friendship is deepening. The collaboration is both open and confidential. And they are discussing issues that extend far beyond the traditional boundaries of their bilateral relationship.

Reassuring Russia

The weekend also highlighted the complexities of the India-Russia relationship, in which the public and private, the short-term and the medium-term, and the past and future must be viewed differently.

In terms of the relationship’s public projection, the summit demonstrated that the ancient bonds of friendship between Delhi and Moscow continue in the short term. At a time when Moscow has invaded another country, it is unlikely that any other nation would have been able to construct a situation that would have provided Russia with international face-saving.

To accommodate Vladimir Putin’s request, however, India guaranteed that the declaration’s text omitted any explicit reference to Russian aggression. But in doing so, it gained the space to insert a series of paragraphs that are clear criticisms of Moscow’s positions and actions, ranging from its threat to use nuclear weapons to halting the implementation of the Black Sea Grain deal, from attacking civilians and infrastructure to the second-order consequences of its actions in terms of destabilizing the global economic environment, from violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of another state to embarking on a military buildup in eastern Ukraine.

However, this combination of accommodation and criticism is not the focus of the narrative. As evidenced by Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov’s praise for the Indian presidency on Sunday, Moscow is pleased with the events in Delhi. If the objective was to reassure Russia of India’s commitment to the relationship and that Delhi retains its autonomy despite growing closer to the west, India has yet again accomplished this.

This reassurance is required in the first place because privately, Indian policymakers know that the future of the strategic partnership isn’t as bright and, for its own national security, Delhi has no choice but to diversify its relationship and dependencies. India may or may not say it, but it is aware that Moscow’s attack on Kiev was unjustified. It is aware that Moscow’s comprehensive national authority is weaker today than it was before February 2022. It is aware that Moscow’s reliance on Beijing has complicated India’s perception of its principal security threat, China. It is aware that the Indian military is having difficulty meeting its needs due to the dilution of the Russian military-industrial base. And it recognizes the importance of strengthening connections with the rest of Europe.

And if India is aware of this information and is acting accordingly, Moscow is aware that Delhi is aware of it. Consequently, actions with medium-term implications must be distinguished from short-term posture. The weekend highlighted both this disconnect and India’s ability to simultaneously pursue both courses.

Managing China

The G20 weekend revealed the immense difficulty India confronts in managing its relationship with China and how this will persist. Consider three specific manifestations of this phenomenon.

The first was Chinese president Xi Jinping’s decision to forego the summit, which marked his first absence from a G20 meeting since assuming office. In terms of domestic optics, this was likely a positive development for the Indian political leadership, as a Modi-Xi handshake or bilateral meeting could have attracted criticism from the Opposition, which would have argued that this was a sign of India’s weakness given the situation at the border. In terms of strategic signals, however, it was yet another indication that China’s political leadership wished to avoid the appearance of endorsing India’s success at the global table of power or, as it appeared prior to the summit, blocking it. It is also a possible warning that conditions at the border will not improve and may even worsen.

The second was the Chinese position during text negotiations. While supporting Russia’s position on Ukraine, it supported the remaining ministerial outcomes. In recent weeks, however, it has increased its obstructionism on a variety of other issues in an attempt to unnerve the Indian side. Delhi believed that the only way to get Beijing on board was to create a situation in which China would either have to be the lone holdout opposing a common text or would be forced to join in order to avoid being seen as an outlier and saboteur. Through adroit diplomacy, including by compelling Moscow and mobilising the Global South in its favour, Delhi did that. Beijing abandoned its opposition.

The third manifestation of this was specific geopolitical actions that were not directly related to China but will have an impact on the bilateral axis between Delhi and Beijing. In the past, Indian policymakers were wary of appearing too close to the West for fear that China would interpret this as an aggressive move against it. However, Beijing’s aggression assisted Delhi in resolving the dilemma. India has made it plain that it will pursue its interests with the United States regardless of how Beijing may interpret its actions. This strategy is exemplified by the Quad, for which Vice President Biden may return to India in January for a second time, and the intensified engagement with the United States in West Asia through the infrastructure corridor.

Overall, the episode demonstrates that India-China relations are fragile and will continue to be so. But due to power disparities, India needs time to bolster its capabilities. It also required China’s cooperation on a number of multilateral issues. And so it managed China, despite having no illusions that this management will resolve the structural issues that plague the relationship.

Traditional constituencies

This weekend demonstrated how India is integrating its neighbors (consider how Bangladesh was a guest at the G20 and received an unprecedented networking opportunity with the world’s political elite), working in the extended neighbourhood (the infra corridor with the UAE and Saudi Arabia demonstrates this), and expanding its transitional constituencies of support (consider the entire discourse surrounding the Global South).

Of these dimensions, the return of the Global South was the most prominent conclusion from the weekend. This is viewed by some as a return to the anti-Western, third-worldist rhetoric that once dominated Indian foreign policy. In contrast, India’s current strategy is founded on leveraging New Delhi’s unique position in the global hierarchy to bridge the gap between the West/North and the South. This manifested itself in four distinct ways over the weekend.

The first was African Union’s (AU) membership in the G20. Consider the matter carefully. The only African member of the world’s foremost forum for international economic cooperation was South Africa. Few data points illustrate the inequities of the global power structure as well as this continent’s startling lack of representation. While there had been discussions about bringing in AU, the fact that it occurred during the Indian Presidency will now be recorded in the annals of history. And the western coalition supported the initiative in its entirety.

The second was that the text addressed the most pressing concerns of the Global South. Regarding agricultural security, there is a need to implement the Black Sea Grain Initiative, which has been so crucial to meeting Africa’s needs. Regarding climate, it is widely acknowledged that a crisis exists and that the world is failing to meet its temperature objectives, but that the crisis must be managed according to shared but differentiated responsibilities. The declaration even specifies the amount of financing needed for developing nations to meet emission targets. Consider the sustainable development objectives and the setbacks in meeting them over the past few years, and there is talk of a new road map with the necessary funding to achieve them. Consider the approval of the concepts of DPI and financial inclusion, which will aid the poorest citizens in the world’s poorest regions. Every segment of the declaration embodies a spirit of inclusion for the most marginalized voices in the international order.

Lastly, the concept of reforming multilateral development banks (MDBs) must be viewed in light of India’s emphasis on the Global South. It used its presidency to make it plain to the West that the expansion of the World Bank’s mandate to include combating the climate crisis cannot come at the expense of eradicating extreme poverty. It advocated for innovative financial mobilization strategies to enable MDBs to meet these expanded objectives.

India is now shaping conversations on the concerns of the Global South and finding methods to address them, not in opposition to the West but in partnership with it. This was best illustrated by the photograph of the leaders of India, South Africa, Brazil, the United States, and the World Bank. Obviously, there was a strategic context to this. China’s ambitions to become the champion of the Global South will not go unchallenged; India will compete on its own terms and with its own partners, while paying close attention to what its partners desire.

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From the bilateral to the global, India’s foreign policy weekend in Delhi was its finest ever. In geopolitics, however, there is no period. What has transpired will usher in a new era as India navigates the next set of global challenges. However, the experience must have made policymakers more confident in their abilities and keenly aware of the challenges that lay ahead.

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Macron, speaking at a news conference following the two-day summit, also stated that the G20 is not the appropriate forum for making diplomatic progress on the Ukraine conflict, as the bloc was established to debate international economic and financial issues following the 2008 global financial crisis.

Macron stated, “I do not believe this is a major diplomatic victory or anything else other than isolation for Russia.” “This G20 confirms Russia’s isolation once again. Today, the vast majority of G20 members condemn the conflict in Ukraine and its consequences.”

Western members of the G20 have been criticized at home for the absence of any mention of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in the leaders’ declaration, which was included in the communique adopted at the previous G20 summit in Indonesia.

Macron stated that the G20 is “not the place to make diplomatic progress on [the Ukraine crisis].” The G20 is not a forum for political discourse, he continued. And we are primarily here to discuss economic issues and climate change.”

Even if member states disagree on the Ukraine matter, the G20 supports a lasting and just peace. He noted that sixteen G20 members supported all UN resolutions condemning Russia, while three abstained.

“The G20 stated its support for an enduring and just peace. “This is the exact opposite of what Russia is saying,” he emphasized. In addition, the G20 reaffirmed its support for territorial integrity and the UN Charter, and Russia is in a “very isolated position”, he added.

Macron stated that India did its uttermost for the G20 to work for unity and peace, and to “send the message of unity while Russia continues its aggression in Ukraine.” He thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and stated that France supports India’s endeavors.

In a joint statement, Modi and Macron agreed to strengthen bilateral defense cooperation through a partnership in the design, development, and manufacture of advanced military technologies and platforms. The leaders met over lunch on the sidelines of the G20 Summit on Sunday.

In addition, they agreed to increase the production of defense equipment in India, including for third parties in the “Indo-Pacific and beyond” In this context, they demanded the prompt completion of a Defense Industrial Roadmap.

In addition, the leaders assessed the development of bilateral relations since their last meeting in Paris in July and shared their perspectives on significant international and regional developments.

Leaders discussed overall progress and next steps in implementing new goals for cooperation in defence, space, nuclear energy, digital public infrastructure, critical technology, climate change, education, and people-to-people contacts in the context of several key outcomes of Modi’s last visit to France, including the Horizon 2047 Roadmap and Indo-Pacific Roadmap.

The leaders also discussed the India-France partnership in the Indo-Pacific and Africa, including initiatives in infrastructure, connectivity, energy, biodiversity, sustainability, and industry.

“They highlighted their role as providers of solutions for the Indo-Pacific through their cooperation in the framework of the International Solar Alliance, launched by India and France, and the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure,” according to a joint statement.

In the field of civil nuclear cooperation, Modi and Macron acknowledged “good progress” in discussions for the Jaitapur nuclear plant project and welcomed ongoing efforts to establish a partnership for co-developing small and modular nuclear reactor technologies, as well as the imminent signing of a dedicated declaration of intent.

ALSO READ : PM Modi declares G20 Summit Leaders’ Declaration consensus.

“France reiterated its unwavering and steadfast support for India’s membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group,” the statement continued.

Modi thanked Macron for France’s support of India’s G20 presidency, which aimed to resolve global challenges and establish a more stable global order through cooperation. India and France likewise welcomed the African Union’s G20 membership.

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In a near future, “(It will be). In this coming month, we will initiate wholesale CBDC borrowing through interbank channels. The choice is yours: this month or next. We have it in testing now. Ajay Kumar Choudhary, an executive director at the RBI, remarked on the margins of the G20 Leaders’ Summit in New Delhi, “Once we are ready, we will be able to start.”

In November 2022, the RBI began testing out a wholesale CBDC, with the settlement of secondary market transactions in government securities as its initial emphasis.

To improve the efficiency of the interbank market, the use of e-W (wholesale CBDC) is advocated. “Settlement in central bank money would reduce transaction costs by pre-empting the need for settlement guarantee infrastructure or for collateral to mitigate settlement risk,” the central bank said while announcing the commencement of the trial.

However, while the RBI is enthusiastic about the retail CBDC pilot project and expects daily transactions to reach 1 million by the end of 2023 (up from 20,000-25,000 in July), very few transactions have taken place in the secondary market for government securities utilizing the wholesale CBDC.

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Choudhary, however, didn’t appear bothered by the slowness, calling the wholesale CBDC’s application in the government securities market “one single piece” of the whole.

The “call money” market is still another factor. We won’t be able to maximize efficiency until we incorporate all the necessary components. At the moment, in CBDC, we are evaluating each one separately. We’ll proceed with integration once we’ve finished working on the technical, financial, and operational aspects and are comfortable with them. He emphasized that “our goal is not to test the whole thing together.”

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“Friends, we just received excellent news. “There is consensus on the New Delhi G20 Summit Leaders Declaration thanks to the hard work of our teams and your cooperation,” Modi said in a brief televised statement during the second session of the summit, speaking in Hindi.

After proposing the adoption of the leaders’ declaration, Modi stated, “I announce that this declaration has been adopted.” He then struck the gavel three times and tapped the desk as other G20 leaders applauded enthusiastically.

Modi added, “On this occasion, I extend my sincere gratitude to the ministers, sherpas, and all officials who worked tirelessly to make this possible; they deserve praise.”

Speaking at the Session-2 on 'One Family' during the G20 Summit in Delhi. https://t.co/tj1jrzelBA

— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) September 9, 2023

There were no details immediately available regarding how the G20 states reached consensus on the leaders’ declaration, particularly the contentious paragraph referring to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. During India’s presidency, the issue delayed joint statements at every ministerial meeting hosted by India.

Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman wrote on X, formerly Twitter, that @PMOIndia @narendramodi’s emphasis on human-centric globalization and our #GlobalSouth concerns have found resonance and recognition. Thanking each G20 member for their support and cooperation.”

The development occurred hours after the Indian side disseminated a revised draft of the leaders’ declaration to the G20 states in an effort to break the impasse on the issue.

Today at the #G20 Leaders’ Summit #NewDelhiLeadersDeclaration is officially adopted. @PMOIndia @narendramodi’s emphasis on human-centric globalisation and our concerns of #GlobalSouth have found resonance and recognition. Thanking all G20 members for their cooperation and…

— Nirmala Sitharaman (Modi Ka Parivar) (@nsitharaman) September 9, 2023

The paragraph on the “geopolitical situation” or the Ukraine crisis was left vacant in a draft of the declaration prepared on Friday that was approved by the majority of G20 states, according to individuals from a G20 member state and a G7 member state.

The G20 states’ negotiators reached an agreement on 75 other paragraphs of the draft, including financing for climate transition, reform of multilateral development institutions, and cryptocurrency regulation.

“On Saturday morning, the Indian side circulated the proposed paragraph on the Ukraine issue to the other G20 members. It is currently under consideration by the other states. Some countries have no objections to the language,” a representative of a G7 nation had previously stated on the condition of confidentiality.

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Despite multiple sessions on Thursday and Friday, the sherpas, or personal representatives of G20 leaders, were unable to reach an agreement on the paragraph regarding Ukraine. On September 6, following the conclusion of the fourth and final sherpas’ meeting in Manesar, these sessions were conducted.

People characterized all discussions regarding the Ukraine crisis as “difficult” and noted that it had remained the primary obstacle to consensus for days.

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During the G20 Summit, Bharat Mandapam, also known as the “culture corridor,” will display the diverse traditions of 29 nations, including India and the G20’s special invitees. This display will include both physical and virtual exhibitions, providing visitors with an immersive experience.

Tuesday saw the installation of a 27-foot-tall bronze statue of Nataraja, made of Ashtadhatu and weighing approximately 18 tons. Renowned sculptor Radhakrishnan Sthapaty from Swami Malai in Tamil Nadu and his team completed this sculpture in a record seven months. PM Modi posted images of the statue on X (previously Twitter), stating, “The majestic Nataraja statue at Bharat Mandapam brings to life aspects of our rich history and culture. As the world assembles for the G20 summit, it will serve as a monument to India’s age-old artistry and traditions.”

Bharat Mandapam has been developed as India’s largest MICE (Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions) destination, with a campus area of approximately 123 acres. In terms of available covered event space, this complex rates among the top exhibition and convention centers worldwide.

Bharat Mandapam

• According to a government statement, Bharat Mandapam functions as a “showcase and promoter of India as a premier global business destination” and was built with an investment of approximately 2,700 crores.
• This architectural masterpiece is designed to accommodate grand international exhibitions, trade fairs, conventions, conferences, and other distinguished gatherings.
• Bharat Mandapam offers an abundance of amenities, such as numerous conference rooms, lounges, auditoriums, an amphitheater, and a fully-equipped business center, allowing it to accommodate a wide range of events.
• Its remarkable multi-purpose hall and plenary hall can accommodate up to 7,000 attendees, surpassing the seating capacity of Australia’s renowned Sydney Opera House.
• The Amphitheater’s seating capacity of 3,000 people contributes to its versatility and magnificence.

What does ‘Bharat Mandapam’ mean?

According to a government statement, the Bharat Mandapam was inspired by “Lord Basaveshwara’s concept of Anubhav Mandapam,” which was initially a stage for public ceremonies. This expansive complex will be accessible to the public and will offer comprehensive facilities in support of the nation’s aspiration to progress into a modern and developed society.

Bharat Mandapam design

The Bharat Mandapam building’s architectural design is inspired by “India’s rich traditions,” symbolizing the nation’s pride in its heritage while embracing modern amenities and contemporary living.

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The refined form of the Shankha, or conch shell, inspired the building’s design. Numerous facets of India’s traditional art and culture are intricately depicted on various walls and facades of the Convention Centre. These include ‘Surya Shakti,’ which represents India’s dedication to harnessing solar energy, ‘Zero to ISRO,’ which celebrates the nation’s achievements in space exploration, and ‘Pancha Mahabhuta,’ which represents the fundamental elements of the universe, including Aakash (Sky), Vayu (Air), Agni (Fire), Jal (Water), Prithvi (Earth), and others. In addition, the Convention Centre is adorned with an assortment of paintings and tribal art from various regions of the country.

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The statement said, “While in New Delhi, the President will also praise Prime Minister Modi’s leadership of the G20 and reaffirm the US’s commitment to the G20 as the premier forum for economic cooperation, including by hosting it in 2026.”

During his trip to India, Biden will attend the G20 Summit. There, he and other G20 leaders will talk about how they can work together to solve global problems, such as the transition to clean energy and fighting climate change, reducing the economic and social effects of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and making multilateral development banks stronger.

“On Saturday and Sunday, the President will take part in the G20 summit. At the summit, the President and G20 partners will talk about ways to work together on a variety of global issues, such as the clean energy transition and fighting climate change, reducing the economic and social effects of Putin’s war in Ukraine, and improving the ability of multilateral development banks, such as the World Bank, to fight poverty, including by tackling global challenges.”

On August 29, White House press secretary Karine Jean Pierre said that US President Joe Biden will “reaffirm US commitment to the G20” as the world’s top forum for economic cooperation. Biden will also talk about a variety of issues, including the social effects of Russia’s war in Ukraine, the White House said on Tuesday. Karine Jean Pierre said these things during a meeting with reporters.

Pierre told reporters about the US President’s plan that Biden “will go to Hanoi, Vietnam, on September 10 after attending the G20 Summit in New Delhi.”

In response to a question about what President Biden wants to accomplish at G20, the White House press secretary said, “President Biden will reaffirm the US commitment to the G20 as the world’s top forum for economic cooperation.”

She also said that Biden will “discuss a range of joint efforts to deal with global issues, such as the clean energy transition and fighting climate change, reducing the economic and social effects of Russia’s war in Ukraine, and improving the ability of multilateral development banks to fight poverty and deal with the major transnational challenges that countries all over the world are facing.”

India took the G20 Presidency on December 1 last year. The 18th G20 Summit, which will take place in New Delhi on September 9 and 10, will be the culmination of all the G20 talks and processes that have taken place this year.

A G20 Leaders’ Declaration will be approved at the end of the G20 Summit, stating Leaders’ commitment towards the priorities discussed and agreed upon during the various ministerial and working group meetings.

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The Group of Twenty (G20) is made up of 19 countries: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States, and the European Union. The G20 members encompass around 85 per cent of the global GDP, over 75 per cent of the global trade, and about two-thirds of the world population.

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The White House announced on Tuesday that he and other G20 partners will discuss joint efforts to address global issues such as clean energy transition and combating climate change, mitigating economic and social impacts of the Ukraine war, and enhancing the capacity of multilateral development banks such as the World Bank to better combat poverty.

During his visit to New Delhi, the US President will laud Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s G20 leadership and “reaffirm the US commitment to the G20 as the premier forum for economic cooperation, which includes hosting it in 2026.”

India assumed the G20 presidency from 1 December 2022 to 30 November 2023 and has hosted numerous meetings across the country.

During Modi’s State visit to the United States in June of this year, Biden expressed his excitement for the G20 summit in New Delhi in September.

Biden applauded New Delhi’s leadership in its current G20 presidency, which brought a renewed focus on strengthening multilateral institutions and international cooperation to address “global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, fragility and conflict, along with work to accelerate achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals, and lay the foundation for strong, sustainable, balanced, and inclusive growth,” according to a joint statement from India and the United States.

Biden’s trip to India for the G20 Summit was also mentioned by Donald Lu, assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asia.

“This will be a pivotal year for the India-United States relationship. India hosts the G20, while the United States hosts APEC and Japan hosts the G7. We have many QUAD members who are assuming leadership positions, and this provides us with opportunities to bring our nations closer together, as Lu had previously stated.

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US Secretary of State Antony Blinken travelled to India for the G20 meeting of foreign ministers. Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen and Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo travelled to India and attended the India-US Forum in the capital city.

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In a letter to his G20 counterparts last month, Prime Minister Narendra Modi proposed that the African Union be granted complete membership at the September summit that India will host.

The proposal was created in response to a request from the African Union, which is comprised of 55 African countries.

People say that text regarding the inclusion of the African Union has been added to the revised draught of the joint leaders’ declaration being deliberated at the third meeting of G20 sherpas in Hampi, Karnataka.

The response from other member states to India’s proposal has been overwhelmingly positive, according to anonymous sources. To move this matter forward, however, consensus, which is the foundation of all G20 decision-making, will be necessary.

India’s position in conveying the proposal to other G20 members was that Africa requires a stronger voice in all multilateral forums, particularly those focusing on the global economy and sustainable development. They acknowledged that the incorporation of a significant organisation like the African Union will present its own difficulties.

Previously, the Indian side stated that the proposal aims to strengthen Africa’s voice on the international stage and in influencing the future of a global community.

Modi has taken the lead on the issue of African Union membership in the G20, which he ardently supports and advocates.

People say that Modi is also a firm believer in giving countries of the Global South, primarily African countries, a stronger voice on international platforms.

The Indian side has also stated that the African Union’s membership in the G20 will be a positive step towards a more inclusive, just, and equitable global architecture and governance.

The G20, which was established in 1999 following the Asian financial crisis, consists of the largest economies in the globe.

Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the European Union are the group’s members.

In 2001, the African Union was established to succeed the Organisation of African Unity. The total population of African Union member states exceeds 1,3 billion.

It has permanent observer status at the United Nations General Assembly and represents the interests of African states in international forums.

India will host the G20 summit on September 9-10 in New Delhi.

As part of India’s G20 presidency, Modi has prioritised incorporating African countries’ priorities into the group’s agenda.

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India hosted the Voice of Global South Summit earlier this year to determine the concerns and priorities of developing nations so that they could be incorporated into the G20’s agenda for this year.

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Dharmendra Pradhan conferred with Lawrence Wong, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Singapore, prior to the G20 Summit in India. During their meeting, the two ministers discussed expanding India and Singapore’s existing cooperation, particularly in the area of skill development.

Pleasure meeting DPM & Minister for Finance, Singapore, @LawrenceWongST. Fruitful discussions on strengthening the existing cooperation between 🇮🇳 and 🇸🇬 and deepening engagements in skill development as well as technical and vocational education. pic.twitter.com/1a0VVuoq5C

— Dharmendra Pradhan (मोदी का परिवार) (@dpradhanbjp) May 29, 2023

Pradhan met with the Minister of Trade and Industry of Singapore, Gan Kim Yong. Both parties discussed strengthening bilateral ties for skill development and vocational training.

During his meetings with the Singaporean Minister, India’s Education Minister shared that the Central Government’s NEP 2020 places an emphasis on vocational education, making it one of the partnership’s key focal points.

Pleased to meet @GANKIMYONG, Minister of Trade & Industry, Singapore.

We had fruitful conversations on strengthening our skill development and vocational training linkages through all mechanisms for creating a seamless architecture for skilling and lifelong learning. pic.twitter.com/RxFZmUCk3v

— Dharmendra Pradhan (मोदी का परिवार) (@dpradhanbjp) May 29, 2023

Together, India and Singapore will work to create a workforce that is prepared for the future, which is also an essential aspect of the Education Working Group under India’s G20 presidency.

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According to an official statement released by the Central Government, both Ministers agreed to advance mutual priorities in skilling, create new opportunities for lifelong learning, and collaborate for the benefit of our respective countries and other emergent economies.

Pradhan also visited Spectra Secondary School, where he interacted with students and instructors and learned more about the skills-based education Singaporean schools provide.

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